Simon & Schuster's release notice for the new book:
OUT OF IRAQ: A Practical Plan for Withdrawal Now
By George S. McGovern and William R. Polk
Former Democratic presidential nominee George McGovern and veteran Middle East expert William Polk call for a phased withdrawal of American troops from Iraq to begin by December 31, 2006, and to be completed within six months, in their new book, OUT OF IRAQ: A Practical Plan for Withdrawal Now (Simon & Schuster; October 3, 2006; $15.00). McGovern and Polk are blunt in their judgment – now shared by many senior military commanders, intelligence officers, and diplomats – that the Bush Administration's decision to invade and occupy Iraq was a "calamitous mistake." They present an incisive analysis of the way they believe Americans were misled into the Iraq war and assess the damage it has caused to Americans, Iraqis, and U.S. standing in world affairs. But their unique contribution to the ongoing debate about the war is a highly specific, 24-point plan for how to stop the hemorrhaging and get out of Iraq with the least possible human and financial cost.
McGovern and Polk write: "Changing a misguided course would not, as some have charged, be a sign of weakness that would encourage our enemies and dishearten our friends; rather, it would be a sign of strength and good sense. It is neither wise nor patriotic to continue an ill-conceived blunder that is wasting the lives of young American soldiers and Iraqi civilians while threatening the moral and fiscal integrity of the nation we all love. It is now a matter of great urgency, in the interests of both the United States and Iraq, for us to begin systematically bringing our troops home and starting the healing process."
As the authors note, more than 2,500 Americans have been killed in Iraq, more than 16,000 have been wounded, and more than 40,000 have suffered severe psychological injury. No one knows how many Iraqi civilians have been killed, but estimates run from 30,000 to 100,000. The war is currently costing the United States $10 million per hour, $237 million per day, $ 7 billion per month. According to the most comprehensive estimates, the material costs of the war will ultimately reach about /$2 trillion /– about $8,000 for every man, woman, and child in America.
How to Get Out of IraqAfter more than three years of warfare and occupation in Iraq, a graceful exit cannot be accomplished perfectly. Costs will have to be paid, the authors warn. But the longer we delay in facing realities, the higher those costs will be. Managing them is better than continuing to incur more. To that end, McGovern and Polk lay out a detailed plan to show how our exit could be accomplished in such a way as to minimize the damage done both to Iraq and to America. The proposed steps include:
• The withdrawal of all foreign troops, including our own. Staying in Iraq is not an option. Even among Americans who were the most eager to invade Iraq, probably a majority now urge that we find a way out. They include civilian strategists, senior military commanders and combat soldiers. Withdrawal is not only a political imperative but also a strategic requirement. As the American command and senior civil and military officers have repeatedly admitted, Iraq has become the primary recruiting and training ground for terrorists. McGovern and Polk suggest that phased withdrawal should begin on or before December 31, 2006, with a promise to make every effort to complete it by June 30, 2007.
• The Iraqi government would be wise to request the short-term services of an international force, including Arab and Muslim troops, to police the country during and immediately after the period of American withdrawal.
• If requested, America should do all it can to assist the Iraqi government in creating and training a national police force during the period of withdrawal. The authors suggest that the American withdrawal package should include a provision of $1 billion for this purpose – roughly the cost of four days of the American occupation.
• The United States should immediately release all prisoners of war to the Iraqi government and close its detention centers.
• America should not encourage Iraq to reconstitute a large, heavily armed military. In the past, Iraqi armies have been a threat to civil institutions rather than a defense force. America cannot prevent the reconstitution of an Iraqi army, but it should not, as it is currently doing, encourage it at an estimated cost of $2.2 billion.
• The withdrawal of American forces must include immediate cessation of work on U.S. military bases. Fourteen "enduring bases" for American troops are now under construction in Iraq. The largest five are already massive, amounting to virtual cities. Closing the bases is doubly important: for America, they are expensive and will be redundant; for Iraqis, they symbolize a hated occupation and would prevent any Iraqi government from feeling independent. Absent an American withdrawal and deactivation of the military bases, the insurgency will almost certainly continue.
• The U.S., along with its embassy, should withdraw from the Green Zone, the vast American complex in the center of Baghdad.
• At least 25,000 mercenaries (euphemistically known as Personal Security Detail) are now active in Iraq, provided by a whole new industry of more than 50 "security" firms. They must be withdrawn rapidly and completely. Although hired either directly or indirectly with U.S. government funds, these men operate outside the control of the British and American armies and are not subject to Iraqi justice; they are literally the "loose cannons" of the Iraq war. The way to withdraw them is simple: stop the payments we make to them.
• The United States must assist the Iraqis in digging up and destroying land mines and unexploded ordnance, and in cleaning up depleted uranium in artillery shells and their targets.
• America should make a generous contribution toward the rebuilding of the Iraqi infrastructure destroyed during the war, the value of which has been estimated at between $100 billion and $200 billion.
• The U.S. should aid in the repair of damage to Iraqi cultural sites like Babylon by U.S. military facilities.
• The United States should pay for an independent audit of billions of dollars generated by the sale of Iraqi petroleum that was turned over to the American-run Coalition Provisional Authority for the benefit of the Iraqi people. Much of this money, along with other funds paid to American contractors, has been misused or misappropriated.
• America should make reparations to Iraqi civilians for loss of lives and property it caused in the war and during the occupation. Possible compensation for deaths and grievous wounds would add up to the cost of about three days of the American occupation of Iraq, but it would make an enormous difference in Iraqi attitudes toward the United States.
• The United States should encourage with large-scale assistance various UN agencies as well as non-governmental organizations to help reconstitute the devastated Iraqi public health system.
• Finally, America should express its condolences for the large number of Iraqis killed, incapacitated, incarcerated and/or tortured. This gesture may seem difficult to many Americans, but it would do more to assuage the sense of hurt in Iraq than all of the above actions.
McGovern and Polk estimate that the cost of the programs they propose might total roughly $13.25 billion. Assuming that these programs save America two years of occupation, they would offset expenditures of at least $350 billion and more likely $400 billion to $500 billion. Much more important but of incalculable value are the savings to be measured in what otherwise are likely to be large numbers of shattered bodies and lost lives.
"We are not recommending 'cut and run'" The authors write: "Let us be absolutely clear: we are not recommending what opponents of withdrawal call 'cut and run.' What we are proposing will avoid the danger of being forced out; rather, American forces will leave in an orderly way, on a reasonable schedule and in a manner that will prevent further damage to American interests. Withdrawal will cause some damage. But damage is inevitable, no matter if we stay or leave."
McGovern and Polk are particularly alarmed by the prospect of what has been called the "long war" against the "universal enemy," now being advocated by some neoconservatives and others who refuse to recognize that the Iraq war has been a terrible miscalculation. This is a recipe for disaster, say McGovern and Polk, that could bring upon us, our children and our grandchildren the nightmare described by George Orwell in his novel /1984/. Then we would not even know for what or against whom we were fighting, but we would be in danger of losing the very things we were supposedly fighting to preserve.
OUT OF IRAQ puts forth a clear, responsible and practical plan for getting out of America's most excruciating conflict since Vietnam, from one of our most respected statesmen and a leading international policy expert. The systematic and sensible program for a speedy troop withdrawal from Iraq that millions of Americans have been waiting for, it is certain both to spark controversy and to advance discussion of the issue that has become the central concern of our national life.
ABOUT THE AUTHORS:
George S. McGovern, the Democratic Party's nominee for president in
1972, served in the House of Representatives from 1957 to 1961, ran the Food for Peace Program under President Kennedy and served in the Senate for eighteen years. He was the president of the Middle East Policy Council in Washington, D.C., for six years, and then served as ambassador to the UN Agencies on Food and Agriculture in Rome under President Clinton. He holds the Distinguished Flying Cross for service as a bomber pilot in World War II and the Presidential Medal of Freedom for humanitarian service. He has homes in South Dakota and Montana.
William R. Polk studied at Harvard and Oxford and taught at Harvard until he was appointed the member of the State Department's Policy Planning Council responsible for the Middle East in 1961. He served as head of the interdepartmental task force on the Algerian war and was a member of the crisis management subcommittee during the Cuban missile crisis. In 1965, he became professor of history at the University of Chicago and founded its Middle Eastern Studies Center. In 1967, he became president of the Adlai Stevenson Institute of International Affairs. At the request of Israeli Prime Minister Golda Meir, he negotiated a ceasefire between Israel and Egypt in 1970. In 1972, he founded a consulting and investment company. The author of several books on history, international relations and the Middle East, he now lives and writes in the south of France.
Tagged: iraq, war+on+terror, bush, usa